Friday, May 22, 2020

An analysis of the ever-increasing influx of migrants into the City of London

Sample details Pages: 22 Words: 6709 Downloads: 10 Date added: 2017/06/26 Category Geography Essay Type Analytical essay Did you like this example? The capital of both England and the United Kingdom, throughout the previous two millennia London has proven to be an internationally significant political, cultural and commercial epicentre, particularly with regard to the recent phenomenon of globalisation. The population of London totals approximately seven million residents, the metropolitan area of which includes in excess of twelve million people. Its official formation dates to the first century AD, wherebyLondinium enjoyed the position of the capital of the Roman Empire inthe province of Britannia (Anderson, 1996): by the eighteenth centuryLondon was considered the largest city in the world and the nucleus ofthe British Empire. Don’t waste time! Our writers will create an original "An analysis of the ever-increasing influx of migrants into the City of London | Geography Dissertation" essay for you Create order London has long been a magnet for migrants, both domestic andinternational. The capital city has, for centuries, enjoyed a somewhatdelicate relationship with many cultures, religions and faiths, andwith a resident population representative of predominant globalnationalities (Sassen, 2001). In excess of two hundred languages arespoken in the capital, indicative of the importance of the city as anucleus for the immigration of refugees and migrants throughouthistory. The medieval era was a significantly active period for thesettlement of migrants in London, particularly with immigrants fromEurope. Though encouraged by William the Conqueror, in the eleventh andtwelfth centuries, to relocate to England, the Jewish population weresubsequently ejected from the country during the thirteenth century(Montefiore Hyamson, 2001). The majority of the capital’s international trade was controlled andmonopolised by the foreign merchants, themselves immigrants to thecity, and, as in the t wentieth century, history has witnessed thedevelopment of specific industries and trades by the skilled foreignmigrants relocating to London. The presence of black minorities in thecity has been felt since the Tudor period, and, though many arrived asfree citizens, the slave trade in Africa consequentially increased theblack population of London significantly following the 1570s (Houston,1996). The metamorphosis of predominant religion in England, followingthe country’s estrangement from the Catholic Church, resulted in themigration of a momentous quantity of persecuted Protestant refugeesfrom the Continent, the majority of which settled in London. Fourcenturies later, the Second World War culminated in the shortage ofcapable workers in the capital, and encouraged the migration of labourto London from Europe: until the early 1960s, England was active in thecolonies of the West Indies and India, recruiting labour for the worstaffected areas of the United Kingdom. Subsequently, British citizensfrom colonial nations, such as those Cypriot citizens dispossessed bythe invasion of Turkey, have sought refuge in the capital, and the cityremains a sanctuary for foreign citizens living in fear or persecutedby problematic regimes. In addition, and similar to many capitalcities, London attracts many domestic migrants from across the UK, asignificant number of which augment the homeless population of theregion. In the twentieth century, the continual influx of a variety ofcultures, ethnicities and religions has resulted in a capital city thatis extremely diverse, energetic and dynamic (Kymlicka, 1996). London iscurrently one of the most substantial cities, with a total land area of1,584 km2, and is considered the most heavily populated city in Europewith approximately 7.4 million inhabitants and a ratio of approximately4,665 individuals per km2; in the European Union, London is third onlyto Paris and Brussels with regard to population density figures(Kershen, 199 7). As such, it is unremarkable, therefore, that a rapidlychanging population structure should affect and impinge upon both theeconomy and housing market. According to recent research conducted bythe Royal Institution of Chartered Surveyors, rental costs areincreasingly exponentially as a result of the significantly high demandfor property (HM Treasury and Office of the Deputy Prime Minister,2005). This paper will attempt to review the increase in immigration toLondon, specifically contrast data from two economically and culturallycontrasting boroughs, explicitly Kensington and Lambeth. The paper willalso assess the economic effects of migration to the city, particularlywith regard to the associated increase in rental costs and deficienciesin the housing market. Table 1: Household projections (based on principal projections). Officeof National Statistics (2003b) Revised international migrationestimates 1992-2001. London, Office of National Statistics Table 2: Household project ions (based on 172,000 per annum netmigration): regional spread based on regional net overseas inwardmigration rates. Office of National Statistics (2003b) Revisedinternational migration estimates 1992-2001. London, Office of NationalStatistics Table 3: Household projections (based on 172,000 per annum netmigration): regional spread of increases as per the principalprojections. Office of the Deputy Prime Minister (2003) SustainableCommunities: Building for the Future. London, ODPM Table 4: Greater London migration 1991-2001, in thousands. Office ofNational Statistics (2003b) Revised international migration estimates1992-2001. London, Office of National Statistics The arrival the Normans to Britain, and their subsequent invasion,heralded a new era of political, religious and economic migrations tothe United Kingdom. The anti-Semitic sentiments throughout theContinent encouraged the migration of Jewish merchants and craftsmen toLondon, though the Jewish communities remained p urposefully insular andburial provisions were restricted to a single Jewish cemetery until1177 (Montefiore Hyamson, 2001). The seemingly global opinion of Londonas a political and religious refuge for the persecuted, the displacedand the dispossessed has continued for a further millennium, andsubsequently, the capital has evolved into a multi-cultural,multi-ethnicity amalgamation that appears irresistible to many domesticand foreign migrants into the twenty-first century (Kymlicka, 1996). London’s reputation as a quintessentially global city, considered bysome commentators to be the most international city in the world, cantrace its history to its relative tolerance towards culturally diverseresidents; a phenomenon which was emphasised during the post-colonialmigration of British citizens from former Empire nations (Favell,2001). In addition, the latter decades of the twentieth centurywitnessed remarkable exoduses from the ecumenical labour market, withsignificant, though largely not quantified, migration into London. Tomany international observers, London appears to be the zenith ofcontrariness. Geographically, the city maintains its manufacturing andservice industries in the northern and southern regions, with business,financial and retail districts dominating the centre of London (Sassen,2001). In 2004, the city and its thirty-two boroughs exhibited anestimated 7,421,228 residents giving London the status of the jointmost populated city in Europe (in addition to Moscow) (Wrigley, 2004),however, the accuracy of population data for the capital is perpetuallyunder debate due to its reliance on resident participation in returningofficial surveys, and subsequent analyses proposed that the populationon Census Day totalled a figure approximating 7.3 million inhabitants.Indeed, the governmental estimation of the city’s populace conducted in2003 suggested that the official figure is approximately 7,387,900(Office of National Statistics, 2003a). T he population of London is directly and significantly affected andaltered by both migration and the natural life-events of birth anddeath. While the birth and death rate of the city has, in recentdecades, remained reasonably stable as a result of the deficit ofinfectious disease and significant military conflict (Office forNational Statistics, 2005a), the population is continually andincomparably influenced by migratory trends. London exhibits adisproportionately high demographic of citizens within the 20-44 yearold age bracket, a feature directly attributable to inbound domesticand foreign migration. Relying on the official 2001 Census alone,migration figures in the 12 month period prior to the research suggestthat Greater London favoured comparably with the remainder of theUnited Kingdom, both possessing an inward migration equating toapproximately 12% of the residential population. The Census indicatedthat Inner London, however, had experienced a markedly higher migratoryinflux, with approximately 17.5% of the population represented.Similarly, migration from abroad totalled approximately 1.2% of thepopulation for outer London, however, this contrasts significantly withthe foreign inbound migration statistics for inner London, whichapproximate 2.5%.   It is, however, imperative to appreciate thatimmigration into the United Kingdom is frequently and substantiallychallenged by illegal entry, and, inevitably, any figures relating tomigration from aboard are conceivably underrepresented. (Office ofNational Statistics, 2001: table KS24) Statistics for the United Kingdom indicate a prevalence of females thanmales in the population, with an average across age brackets of 50.7%(Office for National Statistics, 2005a) and predominantly more femalesthan males in all age brackets post-30 years. London conforms to thistrend, with an average proportion of females at 50.6 per cent. However,the profile of London with regard to the demographics of age, and incontrast wi th the United Kingdom as a whole, indicates that residentsin the capital incline towards younger than average age brackets: themean age for the United Kingdom is approximately 38.9, compared to 36.5for the resident population of London (Office for National Statistics,2005a). From data collated in 2003, the under-7 and 22-43 year old agebrackets are significantly overrepresented in London in comparison tothe population of the United Kingdom, however, representation in otherage brackets from the London data is appreciably lower, with notablyfewer people presenting in the 12-15 and 49+ age brackets. From thesame 2003 data, approximately 35% of the population of the UnitedKingdom were placed in the 20-44 year old age bracket, comparable to 44per cent from the residential population of London. This bracket isparticularly significant as it is responsible for rates of botheconomic activity and virtually all births. Within the previous decade, available data indicates that net migrationi nto the United Kingdom averaged approximately 166,000 per annum(Office of National Statistics, 2003a; Office of National Statistics,2003b). Furthermore, between 2004 and 2031 the population of thecountry is estimated to increase by approximately 7.2 million, with 83per cent of this increase allegedly attributable to immigration (Officefor National Statistics, 2005b)). These projections suggest that anestimated 1,003,000 new residential structures will be required for thesubsequent 17 year period (Lords Hansard, 2004) to contend with thissubstantial inbound migration, approximating to 59,000 properties perannum. According to the 2001 Census, the population of the UnitedKingdom’s second largest city, Birmingham, is approximately 977,000residents, and therefore, the projected housing requirements of futureimmigrants alone are monumental. Seventy per cent of recent immigrationfrom aboard has been to London, however, within the past decade anequilibrium has been achieved, with app roximately 100,000 domesticresidents vacating London, and relocating to other regions in theUnited Kingdom, as approximately 100,000 migrants arrive. It is virtually impossible to accurately project for population changesdue to illegal immigration, and therefore it is realistic to suggestthat the net approximation of 172,000 migrants per annum for thesubsequent two decades (2001 to 2021) is a minimum figure. However,without accurate statistics governing the immigration of illegal aliensto the United Kingdom, it is impractical to analyse total demographicsfor migratory patterns. For the domestic population, the deficit inaccommodation is currently problematic, however, worst-case scenariopredictions suggest that a total housing requirement per annum may becloser to 155,000 – a significant shortfall of 35,000 new residences,even after allowance for demolitions and conversions (Council ofMortgage Lenders, 2003)). Appreciating the requirements of the domesticpopulation in addi tion to migration, the requirement of accommodationper annum will, allegedly, approximate 200,000 new houses (Hamnett,2003). Subsequently, an increasing in building construction ofapproximately 66 per cent will be essential to integrate the increasedcitizenry into the population. The United Kingdom is, fundamentally, grossly unprepared for thecurrent trends in inbound population migration, predominantly theresult of considerably inaccurate assumptions involved in demographicpredictions during the 1990s (Wrigley, 2004). These predictionssuggested that the inward migration per annum from 1999 wouldapproximate 65,000 individuals, however, data collated at the beginningof the twenty-first century indicated that a conservative figure forinbound migration approximated in excess of twice the originallypredicted quantity. The government-commissioned Housing Statisticsreport illustrates the direct correlation between migration andsignificant alterations of population levels and structure, andcalculated that an adjustment of plus or minus 40,000 in inboundmigration per annum results in a difference in adult residentialpopulation by 2021 of approximately plus or minus 870,000 (Office forNational Statistics, 2005b) With the exception of disease and epidemiccontrol, in the twenty-first century the government has negligiblecontrol over natural life-events, such as birth and death, however,administration of population changes relating to inbound migrationpatterns are possible, thereby directly influencing the housingrequirements of the United Kingdom. Despite the limited projection of65,000 inbound migrants per annum, government estimations suggest that,between 1996 and 2021, approximately 700,000 new households would becreated as a result of migration (Office of National Statistics, 2003b) The financial implications of migration and housing are numerous.Currently, the cost of accommodation is unprecedentedly high,particularly for those in lower income brackets, which invariablyinclude labour forces essential to the construction and manufacturingindustries. In recent decades the political reaction to this conundruminvolved the international recruitment of workers (Angrist and Kugler,2003), however, this has essentially resulted in an impasse: a furtherincrease in the demand for accommodation and encouraging an outwardmigration of the crucial labour force to other regions of the UnitedKingdom and, thus, necessitating the international recruitment of evenmore employees. It is plausible to assume that inbound migration into London willcontinue to increase in the foreseeable future (Office of NationalStatistics, 2005b). Principally, this prediction is a result of the2004 admittance and inclusion of previously Communist nations into theEuropean Union, an event which has the potential to increase in thequantity of legally-issued work permits, thereby encouraging themigration to London of citizens from these new EU member states.Independent estimates suggest that, should this prediction be realised,inbound migration to London may rise by between 20 and 25 per cent,thus further increasing the pressure on the currently inadequatehousing market, potentially doubling the requirement for newaccommodation from immigration alone from approximately one million newhomes to a figure close to two million (Council of Mortgage Lenders,2003). During the previous four decades, however, rates of constructionwith regard to new houses have significantly diminished. Throughout the1960’s, new housing projects attained a pinnacle of approximately350,000 per annum, however, the current rate of house building fallsbelow 150,000; recognising the quantity of annual demolitions, the netquantity of new housing projects corresponds to a figure closer to120,000 (Office of the Deputy Prime Minister, 2003). Literature review The majority of studies relating to migratory patterns, impact onsociety and the requirement of associated provisions have been largelyundertaken by governmental bodies. However, several independentanalyses indicate that the predictions of the government arefundamentally inaccurate due to the substantial error margin incurredvia illegal migratory patterns, of both domestic residents and thoseimmigrating from overseas (Dustmann et al., 2005). According toarticles published in The Economist, London has absorbed approximately680,000 migrants from overseas without an explicit and visible loss ofcountryside or heritage areas (Hatton and Tani, 2005). Partially, thisis the result of the redevelopment of disused industrial sites withpreviously scant residential areas, such as the Docklands. However, itmust also be appreciated that migration to the city has resulted in anexponential rise in the price of land and property in London, incomparison to the rest of the United Kingdom, encouraging theindigenous population to take advantage of this market boom, sellproperty and relocate elsewhere. The effects of domestic and international migration on employment andassociated finances are potentially underestimated (Hatton and Tani,2005). The relative equilibrium between the influx of migrants and therelocating outbound indigenous population may mask, at a local level,the economic and employment-related ramifications of migration,however, its significance to the economy of the entire country remainsconsiderable. An equivalent analysis of the migratory patterns andtheir associated concerns in the United States by Borjas (2003)indicates that the displacement of an indigenous population is anessential apparatus to encourage the dispersal of the effects ofmigration, thereby restricting any negative impacts from affectingsolitary locations. However, this assessment is contradicted in asimilar study conducted by Card (2001). Within the United Kingdom, thisissue has been analysed throughout two decades and reported by Hattonand Tani (2005), with a reliance on data accumulated from elevenregions via the National Health Service Register and the InternationalPassenger Survey. Conclusively, Hatton and Tani suggest that theeffects of immigration are diffused beyond the immediately affectedregion, with an associated flow of migrants between regions; theoriginal settlement of inbound migrants and the subsequent displacementof prior inhabitants (Hatton and Tani, 2005). Unsurprisingly, theseeffects are not restricted to the tangible and readily visible issuessurrounding accommodation, but also impact on regional and nationaleconomies, the religious and cultural structure of society,demographics relating to language, and employment. The consequence ofmigration on both the employment and housing markets involvesignificantly intensified competition, throughout the region and,eventually, throughout the country (Hatton and Tani, 2005). With afocus on London specifically, current data suggest that approximatelyforty-five inhabitants are routinely displaced by the inward migrationof one hundred migrants, and, therefore, displacement is particularlyconcentrated in locations experiencing significant immigration. However, data compiled and analysed by various authors, both academicand governmental, are intrinsically limited by the relevance of thesources used, particularly with regard to the lack of accurate datarelating to illegal migration, and therefore many studies areultimately considered to be statistically insignificant. This is anunfortunate restriction applicable to any study assessing demographics,with a substantial proportion of the potential target populationinaccessible and virtually invisible. It is, therefore, imperative toacknowledge these limitations and present any such population study asrepresentative only of the visible, official pubic. The quantity of households in London declined considerably during the1970s, however, this t rend has since reversed and the inclination ispredicted to increase exponentially. The Greater London Authorityestimates that the increase in population, as a result of both naturallife events and migration, will occur at a rate unprecedented sinceWorld War Two (Greater London Authority and the Mayor of London, 2001).The change in social profile of the United Kingdom in the latter halfof the twentieth century, including the prevalence for divorce andsingle habitation, inevitably attributed to the increase in population,however, these were not the primary causes. Though natural patterns andgrowth contributes to a large proportion of the population increase inLondon, the recent surge in numbers of households in the capital is adirect result of inbound migration. This paper details the accumulationof data from a variety of reports conducted into the examination of thepopulation of London. The majority of these studies demonstrate thesignificant correlation between migration patterns, a ccessibility ofemployment, formation of households, property prices and income levels.When assessing the inbound migration of residents, particularly withinspecific boroughs, it is virtually obligatory to also examinecorresponding local labour markets and the resultant displacement ofsections of the population. The state of the housing market and its demand within London isspecifically a matter of growth: growth of the population, particularlydriven by inward migration, which directly drives the growth anddevelopment of households, which, in turn, results in the growth of thehousing market and an increased necessity for new properties in thelocality. As a result of this demand for available residentialproperties within London, many residents have cashed in on theremunerative housing market, and subsequently investments in housinghave yielded considerable profits. The demand for accommodation locatedin the South East of England, and London specifically, as a result ofboth domestic and international migration, is currently surpassing theavailable supply. The cost of buying a property, for first-time buyersin particular, is far in excess of funds accessible to the majority ofcitizens; this is a substantial problem for duel-income couples ofreasonably sufficient earnings, however, the difficulty is exacerbatedfor individuals on low incomes and from unprivileged backgrounds.   Inparticular, the economical reality of buying properties is of concernto the skilled labour force, and is a problem aggravated by theinflationary affects of increased regional population throughmigration. Subsequently, a large proportion of the population,particularly in the relatively youthful populace of London, is relianton the rental market for accommodation; a sector which has proven to bedisproportionately expensive. Similarly, the homeless population isconsidered to be an increasing concern, particularly within citylocations, and with an estimated 85,000 households allocated refu ge intemporary accommodation in 2002; approximately 65% of these familiesincluded children, and the incommensurate statistical representation ofethnic minorities in these figures is significant (Office of the DeputyPrime Minister, 2003). The projected dispersion of new households within the United Kingdom isasymmetrical, particularly throughout England (table 1) with thepredominant concentration of 19.4% in the South East of the country,comparable to the corresponding estimation for the North East at 6.4%. (Table 1) Office of National Statistics (2003b) Revised internationalmigration estimates 1992-2001. London, Office of National Statistics Calculating via the estimated prediction of 172,000 inbound migrantsper annum, and appreciating the requirement for one millionsupplementary residential properties, the forecasted profusion ofhouseholds and percentage increase in each region impacted by netmigration indicates that London will experience an increase of fourtimes that of the North East (table 2). These data suggest that Londonis significantly more attractive as a settlement location than anyother location in England, and will, by extrapolation, incur themajority of the burden for accommodation, further impacting on thecurrent rental market. However, the theoretical impingement of such aninflux of migrants is incontrovertibly extensive, and, in practice, theprobable response from London would involve the outward migration ofthe indigenous population to less densely populated regions of theUnited Kingdom. Such a movement of residents, however, wouldsubsequently confer a significant economical, political and socialinfluence on London. (Table 2) Office of National Statistics (2003b) Revised internationalmigration estimates 1992-2001. London, Office of National Statistics (Table 3) Office of the Deputy Prime Minister (2003) Sustainable Communities: Building for the Future. London, ODPM A more realistic consequence, however, involves the proporti onaldistribution of population increase following inbound migration at anannual rate of 172,000 (table 3). Following these calculation, it ispossible to suggest that the one million additional residentialproperties necessary to accommodate migrants would be dispersedthroughout the country relative to the principal projections calculatedby the Office of the Deputy Prime Minister, therefore implying that thequantities of new houses required would involve the construction of afurther 25 per cent of dwellings throughout the South of England duringthe following two decades (Attanasio, et al., 2005). However, thisregion currently exhibits the highest house prices, the most denselypopulated residential areas and the least quantity of unoccupieddwellings. The government’s report analysing Sustainable Communities(Office of the Deputy Prime Minister, 2003) concludes that a vastquantities of actions are required to respond adequately to theprojected requirement for accommodation in the twenty-first century,including a reform of the previously inefficient and ineffectiveplanning system, and the development of the so-called ‘growth areas’located in the London/Stanstead/Cambridge corridor (LSC), the ThamesGateway, Ashford and Milton Keynes (Office of the Deputy PrimeMinister, 2003). By 2031, a possible 803,000 new dwellings are plannedthroughout the ‘growth area’, with the majority located in MiltonKeynes and LSC regions (370,000 and 322,000 respectively). However,principal projections of households are dependent on the assumptionthat the inbound migration to the United Kingdom is restricted to anapproximate figure of 65,000 per annum. If, therefore, net migrationis, in actuality, closer to the suspected figure of 172,000, theincrease in required new dwellings for migrants alone will equate to afigure approximating 430,000 (Attanasio, et al., 2005). The United Kingdom differs from the majority of European countries inthat each individual city is responsible for providing their ownpopulation figures. Many other nations utilise commuter statistics todetermine national urban population data, however, the United Kingdom’sreluctance to employ these statistics continually results incomplication and perplexity with regard to the definition andpresentation of accurate population statistics for London and itsregion. In addition, confusion exists over the physical parameters of‘London’, ‘Greater London’ and the metropolitan district, resulting inan abundance of erroneous statements and conclusions regarding thedemographics of the capital. In 2001, the Greater London Authorityrecognised the significance of the developing patterns controlling thepopulation of London and the inaccuracies surrounding demographicstudies, and subsequently conducted an official analysis of migratoryand housing trends. The panel concluded that household and propertystatistics were previously unsound, and established t hat Londondemographics were manipulated by a variety of disparate determinants,with particular significance attributed to domestic and internationalmigratory trends, culturally determined differential householdpatterns, contrasting housing aspirations dependent on age bracket, andthe disproportionately high prices and scant availability of propertyin the capital (Greater London Authority and the Mayor of London,2001). From varying studies it is possible to determine that the increase inthe rate of population growth is in excess of the current and predictedsupply of accommodation. Microcosmic analysis between boroughs suggeststhat the differential migration of London, in comparison with theremainder of the United Kingdom, is also replicated at municipallevels. The demographic profile of London indicates a remarkable diversity inethnicity of the resident population. Approximately seventy-eight percent of the United Kingdom’s black African population resides inLondon, with representation of the black Caribbean populace currentlystanding at sixty-one per cent, and in excess of half of the Britishpopulation of Bangladeshis reside in the capital (Dobson et al., 2001).When analysing the population of a capital city it is imperative toacknowledge the ethnic profile due to the associated impoverished stateof both the residents themselves and their communities: a significantmajority of London’s ethnic population experiences below averageincomes, poorer standards of habitation and poorer health when comparedwith the general population of the United Kingdom (Philips and Philips,1998). The Borough of Kensington and Chelsea, London, is considered to beaffluent, progressive and prosperous, with a substantial populationdensity in comparison to all other London boroughs. Kensington andChelsea presents a total population of 158,919 citizens and apopulation density of people per hectare of 131.01 (Merriman, 2003).Contrastingly, Lambeth is a borough afflict ed by generic poverty, lowincome households and social deprivation, however, its populationdensity is considerably less than that of Kensington and Chelsea,currently at 99.42 people per hectare. Despite the relatively meagredistribution of people, however, the population of Lambeth isconsiderable, at approximately 270,500 registered citizens (Thrift,1994), and results in Lambeth being the largest inner London borough.Though stricken with relatively significant levels of poverty, Lambethenjoys one of the most culturally and socially diverse communitieswithin the United Kingdom (Rex and Montserrat Guibernau i Berdun,1997). Ethnic minorities are well-represented within the Borough, withcurrent data indicating that twenty-five percent of the Lambethpopulation consider themselves as black and four percent declaringtheir ethnicity as from the Indian Subcontinent; approximatelythirty-four per cent of the residential population in Lambeth are fromethnic minorities (Philips and Philips, 1998 ). The borough boasts thelargest proportion of black Caribbean citizens in comparison with allother districts, and possesses the third largest representation ofblack Africans in London (Office for National Statistics, 2005b).According to the 2001 Census, 62% of Lambeth’s population considersthemselves white, with black Caribbean and black African residentsequally represented at approximately 12% of the population of theborough. Though not considered particularly densely populated incomparison with other inner London boroughs, with regard to residency,only thirty-seven per cent of the district’s population considerthemselves owner-occupiers. Despite the considerable ethnic medleyrepresented in the borough, Lambeth has, in recent years, been accusedof over-enthusiastically resorting to political correctness,particularly well demonstrated in 2005 with the renaming of thetraditional high street Christmas lights as â€Å"winter lights† by LambethLondon Borough Counci l (Office for National Statistics, 2005b). In contrast, situated in the west of the capital, Kensington andChelsea is a Royal borough, a 1960s amalgamation of the formerdistricts of Kensington and Chelsea. According to the 2001 Census, thepredominantly urban borough of Kensington and Chelsea is the mostheavily populated council district in the United Kingdom, with adensity of approximately 13,200 citizens per square kilometre. Boastinga wealth of metropolitan structures, such as universities, embassiesand museums, Kensington and Chelsea is predominantly famous for thedepartment store Harrods: a tangible metaphor for the borough’saffluence. The generic London housing market is poorly representedwithin this borough, principally as the district contains a substantialproportion of the most exclusive residential vicinities in the UnitedKingdom. The population is equally underrepresented with regards toethnic minorities, with a considerable percentage of the population(79%) cons idering themselves ethnically white. Contrastingly,representation of the black communities is negligible, with theproportion of black Africans and black Caribbeans particularly low atfour per cent and three per cent respectively (Rex and MontserratGuibernau i Berdun, 1997). Just short of half of the population ofKensington and Chelsea are owner-occupiers within the borough’shouseholds, and, similarly, the prosperity of the borough is evidencedsignificantly by the representation of high salary brackets: Kensingtonand Chelsea flaunts the largest quantity of employees earning in excessof  £60,000 per annum in comparison with any other local authorityregion in the United Kingdom (Office for National Statistics, 2005b).With consideration to employment sectors and opportunities, Kensingtonand Chelsea possesses the lowest quantity of workers employed in theretail sector and the highest employed in the financial sector. Generically, the population of London has changed at an inc reased ratein comparison with the rest of the United Kingdom. Between 1991 and2000 the population of London increased by an average of 11%,comparable to the national trend of 4%, a pattern which is predicted tocontinue (Dustmann and Glitz, 2005). Population densities within thecity are particularly high, specifically within the boroughs ofKensington and Chelsea, Hammersmith and Fulham, and Westminster wheredensities exceed the remainder of the capital by twice the average ofLondon. Greater London differs in comparison to inner London withregard to previous migratory patterns: during the 1990s, outer Londonexperienced significant outbound migration of residents (Dudley et al.,2005). However, this propensity has recently reversed, predominantlydue to legal migration from overseas citizens, a trend which hasincreased significantly during the previous decade. Statistically,these migrants differ greatly with regard to income, with the majorityoccupying diametrically opposite ends of the salary scale, andtherefore the economic disparity among London residents is increasingsignificantly, consequentially impinging on the property market(Dustmann and Glitz, 2005). A general trend among migrants with respectto age brackets is evidenced in London, with the majority of inwardmigrants occupying the lower brackets and outbound migrants biasedtowards older age groups (Dummett, 2001). As such, the demographics ofLondon are dominated by residents occupying the 20-39 year old agebracket. London has, historically, exhibited a formidable deficiency in suitableaccommodation for the requirements of the city’s population, a problemcompounded by the dynamism of the population. The Barker reportdictated that the capital city requires a substantial improvement inthe quantity of available and affordable housing, for both purchase andrent, particularly with regard to first-time buyers who, in recentyears, have found accessibility to house-ownership virtuallyimpossible. This det erioration in affordability of realisticresidential property is widespread throughout the United Kingdom, withthe traditional trend of the most economically viable regionsconsisting of northern counties in England, Scotland and NorthernIreland still in effect. At the turn of the decade the total quantityof first-time buyers per annum within the United Kingdom approximatedforty-five per cent of the total citizens purchasing property; thisfigure has significantly decreased in recent years to a figureapproximating thirty per cent of the total (Attanasio et al., 2005).Furthermore, the artificial inflation implemented by changes inpopulation patterns, employment and the economy of Britain has resultedin the widening of the gap between mortgages available to residents andthe actual price of the property. Subsequently, the United Kingdom inthe twenty-first century is experiencing a critical deficit inresidential properties of dramatic proportions; a phenomenon which isunlikely to alter wit hout significant management of the associatedfactors, such as demographical profile, migratory patterns, economy andpolitics. The deficient housing levels of the United Kingdom are alreadyconsidered responsible for the significant quantity of residentsreliant on the rental market, and that market’s substantially highcosts for the population. The staggeringly high costs of renting in theUnited Kingdom, particularly within the South of England, are resultingin an impasse: occupants resort to depending on the rental market asthe cost of buying a residence has plateaued at a level unprecedentedduring the previous decades, however, the cost of renting is sosubstantial that occupants are unable to lay financial foundations forthe purchasing of property. The cost of buying a house is, from manyquarters, directly attributable to the increase in domestic andinternational inbound migration, particularly with respect to largecities such as London. The revival of conditions favoura ble to international migration duringthe previous ten years has resulted in a rapid increase in thepopulation of London. The Department for Transport, Local Governmentand the Regions (DTLR) estimated that the quantity of households inLondon during the year 2000 had increase by approximately 125,000 intwo years. This figure represented an underestimation of fifty-eightthousand inhabitants calculated in DTLR’s mid-1990s projection for 2001(Hamnett, 2003). Similarly, in 2000 the DLTR suggested that thequantity of residential properties in London equated to approximately3.05 million, propounding that the estimated of shortage of housing inthe capital has increased to a figure approximating 132,000.Comparatively, the commensurate figures for England contrast with thoseof London significantly, implying a nationwide surplus, rather thandeficit, of 36,000 at the turn of the millennium. However, as isdiscussed further within this paper, data obtained from the populationof London is pa rticularly problematic, predominantly as there is anoverwhelming reliance on the completion and return of surveys sent toresidents in each borough. Housing shortages are already impinging on the domestic population, andthe legal inward migrant population are now displacing the indigenouscommunities in several regions. The British government is frequentlyaccused of promoting immigration into the United Kingdom, andspecifically into London, encouraging the influx of a migrant labourforce to supplement deficient sectors and urban communities (Geddes,2002). However, assuming the current patterns and increasing levels ofinbound migration continue in the subsequent decades, the deficit ofappropriate and affordable accommodation will increase exponentially,becoming a potentially colossal problem. Consequentially, the ensuingimpact may force the affected regions into states of poverty anddeprivation (Wrigley, 2004), impinging on the quality of life in manyareas of the United Kingdom. It is relevant that internationalmigration has a proclivity of focussing on existing communities withineach region: rather than settling in empty regions, many immigrantschoose to relocate to densely populated areas, resulting in an evengreater deficit of housing and an increase in local employmentopportunities. This invariably results in the displacement of theindigenous population, many citizens opting to seek employment and moreaffordable accommodation in less popular towns and cities. There is aconvincingly direct correlation between patterns of migration among andwithin a population and changes to the economy, and employment andaccommodation provisions within a given community. A sudden change inpopulation levels within a specific region, unsurprisingly, increasesor decreases the availability of housing and jobs, with levels ofunemployment directly proportional to quantity of local residents. Forthose properties that subsequently become available in denselypopulated regions, a sup ply and demand effect creates an artificialinflation, resulting in substantially higher property prices than wouldordinarily be evidenced (Dustmann and Glitz, 2005). Consequentially,the British government has been accused of failing to appreciate thefinancial and physically practical ramifications of encouraging migrantlabour forces to relocate to the United Kingdom, and for disregardingthe fundamental necessity of the provision of an adequateinfrastructure to support the substantial associated costs of such anenterprise. Many regions within the United Kingdom, particularly the numerousboroughs of London, are currently affected by a deficit in skilledworkforces. Domestic and international migration, however, merelyexacerbates, rather than relieves, the problem. The influx of migrantsto deprived areas such as Lambeth increases the demand for appropriateaccommodation, resulting in the plummeting supply of housing. This, inturn, increases the prices of property in the vicinity there byresulting in an unaffordable housing market for local residents. Whilethese properties may be affordable to high-earning citizens in otherboroughs, such as Kensington, the local workforce finds itself pricedout of the housing market, therefore frequently opting to relocateelsewhere. Though the government may be attempting to recruit anessential workforce from overseas, the local skilled workers aredisplaced, thereby negating any beneficial effects of the politicalmigration agenda. Furthermore, the newly migrated population findsitself equally unable to purchase property, thereby resorting to therental market, which itself, in turn, becomes increasingly unaffordableas demand outstrips supply. There is, therefore, a cyclical quality tothe continually changing population among the key workers of lessaffluent boroughs of London and the South East of England, with highunemployment and retention levels and outbound migration in evidence(Angrist and Kugler, 2003), followed by a secondary influx of migrants,a secondary high demand for housing and a secondary event ofdisplacement. A number of factors have contributed to the unprecedentedeconomic upsurge experienced by London. During the 1980s the economy inthe city was deregulated, and consequentially the trend of globalmigration has focused specifically on the United Kingdom and itscapital. Practically innumerous languages are heard within the city andit is possible to see residents representative of every conceivableethnicity on its streets. The most populated city in Europe at the turnof the nineteenth century, London has witnessed continual changes inits demographic profile (Woods, 1996). The analysis of demographics, and the associated consequences ofmigratory patterns, suggests a particularly damaging aspect with regardto the indigenous population (Harris, 2001). En masse immigration intoan area or city can prove to be particularly debilitating to thecompeting local workforce, and can subsequently disperse t o other areasof the country, negatively affecting communities far removed from theoriginal site of settlement. In essence, the arrival of largequantities of domestic and overseas migrants to an area frequentlyresults in costs of habitation rising and salaries and wages decreasingsignificantly. The 2001 Census with regard to ethnic breakdown ofLondon indicates that, while approximately seventy per cent of thepopulation considered themselves to be white, ten per cent of thecitizens classed themselves as black (both African and Caribbean), tenper cent as Bangladeshi or Pakistani, three per cent as mixed ethnicityand one per cent as Chinese. Significantly, the Census revealed thattwenty-two per cent of the residents of London were born outside theEuropean Union (Office of National Statistics, 2001), though thisfigure is likely to be distinctly underrepresented as it cannotestimate population levels as a result of homelessness and illegalmigration. Concluding, analyses of the demograp hics of London are perpetuallyinhibited by the prevalence of illegal migrants, of both domestic andoverseas origin. This problem is further exacerbated by the incidenceof homelessness within London’s population: in 1994, approximately106,000 people in the capital were categorised as homeless (Office forNational Statistics, 2005b). However, it is possible to suggest a trendof increase in population via the migratory patterns within the UnitedKingdom and, specifically, inbound migration to London is a significantcontributory factor when assessing the availability of affordableaccommodation within the capital. The difference between boroughs suchas Lambeth and Kensington and Chelsea are statisticallyunderrepresented, with Kensington being too affluent and property tooexpensive to attract migrant populations. Angrist, J. D. and Kugler, A. D. (2003) Productive orcounterproductive? Labour market institutions and the effect ofimmigration on EU natives. Economic Journal (113): 302–37. Anderson, M. (1996) British population history, 1911-1991. In BritishPopulation History: From the Black Death to the Present Day. InAnderson, M. (ed.) British Population History: From the Black Death tothe Present Day. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press Attanasio, O. Blow, L., Hamilton, R. and Leicester, A. (2005)Consumption, house prices and expectations, Bank of England WorkingPaper no. 271. London, Bank of England Borjas G. J. (2003) The labour demand curve is downward sloping:re-examining the impact of immigration on the labour market. QuarterlyJournal of Economics (118): 1135–74. Card, D. E. (2001) Immigrant inflows, native outflows and the locallabour market impacts of higher immigration. Journal of LabourEconomics (19): 22–64 Council of Mortgage Lenders (2003) Barker Review of Housing Supply:Response to HM Treasury and Office of the Deputy Prime MinistersReview Team. London, Council of Mortgage Lenders Dobson, J., Koser, K., McLaughlan, G. and Salt, J. (2001) InternationalMigration and the United Kingdom: Recent Patterns and Trends. London,Home Office Dudley, J. Roughton, M, Fidler, J. and Woollacott, S. (2005) Control Of immigration: Statistics 2004. London, Home Office Dummett, M. (2001) On Immigration and Refugees. Oxford, Routledge Dustmann, C., Hatton, T. and Preston, I. (2005) The labour market effects of immigration. The Economic Journal, 115: 297–299. Dustmann, C. and Glitz, A. (2005) Immigration, Jobs and Wages: Theory,Evidence and Opinion. London, Centre for Economic Policy Research(CEPR) and the Centre for Research and Analysis of Migration (CReAM) Favell, A. (2001) Philosophies of Integration: Immigration and the Ideaof Citizenship in France and Britain. London, Palgrave Macmillan Geddes, A. (2002) The Politics of Migration and Immigration in Europe. London, Sage Publications Ltd Greater London Authority and the Mayor of London (2001) Summary:towards the London Plan: Initial proposals for the Mayor’s spatialdevelopment strategy. London, Greater London Authority. Hamnett, C. (2003) Unequal City: London in the Global Arena. Oxford, Routledge. Harris, N. (2001) Thinking the Unthinkable: The Immigration Myth Exposed. London, I.B. Tauris Hatton, T. J. and Tani, M. (2005) Immigration and Inter-RegionalMobility in the UK, 1982-2000. Economic Journal 115 (507): 342-358 HM Treasury and Office of the Deputy Prime Minister (2005) Housing policy: an overview. London, HMT and ODPM. Houston, R. A. (1996) The population history of Britain and Ireland,1500-1750. In Anderson, M. (ed.) British Population History: From theBlack Death to the Present Day. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press Kershen, A. J. (ed.) (1997) London: The Promised Land? London, Ashgate Kymlicka, W. (1996) Multicultural Citizenship: A Liberal Theory of Minority Rights. Oxford, Clarendon Press Lord Hansard (2004)   8 Dec 2004 Column WA39. Westminister, House of Lords. Merriman, N. (2003) The Peopling of London: Fifteen Thousand Years of Settlement from Overseas. London, Museum of London Montefiore Hyamson, A. (2001) A History of the Jews in England. Hawaii, University Press of the Pacific Office of the Deputy Prime Minister (2003) Sustainable Communities: Building for the Future. London, ODPM Office of National Statistics (2001) 2001 Census. London, Office of National Statistics Office of National Statistics (2003a) Population and Migration: ThreeYear Work Plan 2003/04-2005/06. Draft Version 3. London, Office ofNational Statistics Office of National Statistics (2003b) Revised international migrationestimates 1992-2001. London, Office of National Statistics Office for National Statistics (2005a) Birth Statistics: Review of theRegistrar General on births and patterns of family building in Englandand Wales, 2004 (Series FM no.33). London, Office for NationalStatistics Office for National Statistics (2005b) Key Population and Vital Statistics. London, Palgrave Macmillan Philips, M. and Philips, T. (1998) Windrush: the Irresistible Rise of Multi-racial Britain. London, Harper Collins Rex, J. and Montserrat Guibernau i Berdun, M. (1997) The EthnicityReader: Nationalism, Multiculturalism and Migration. Cambridge, PolityPress Sassen, S. (2001) The Global City. Princeton, Princeton University Press Thrift, N. (1994) On the social and cultural determinants ofinternational financial centres: the case of the city of London. InCorbridge, S., Martin, R. and Thrift, N. (eds.) Money, Power and Space.Blackwell, Oxford: 327-354. Woods, R. I. (1996) The Population of Britain in the nineteenthcentury. In Anderson, M. (ed.) British Population History: From theBlack Death to the Present Day. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press Wrigley, E. A. (2004) Poverty, Progress and Population. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press Appendix (Table 4) Greater London migration 1991-2001, in thousands. Office ofNational Statistics (2003b) Revised international migration estimates1992-2001. London, Office of National Statistics International Migration  UK Migration  Total In  Out  Net  In  Out  Net  Net 1991-92  95.2  91.3  3.9  53.9  208.2  -54.3  -50.4 1992-93  90.1  70.8  19.2  149.9  200.4  -50.5  -31.2 1993-94  100.5  74.2  26.3  152.7  203.4  -50.7  -24.5 1994-95  102.0  80.1  21.9  166.6  207.8  -41.2  -19.2 1995-96  119.8  69.8  50.0  168.8  208.9  -40.1  9.9 1996-97  111.3  79.6  31.7  168.5  217.7  -49.2  -17.5 1997-98  139.0  97.1  41.9  169.5  221.5  -52.0  -10.0 1998-99  180.9  101.3  79.6  167.6  220.1  -52.5  27.1 1999-00  193.1  106.4  86.7  163.3  233.2  -69.9  16.8 2000-01  208.6  109.5  99.1  163.6  232.2  -68.6  30.5 Annual Ave 1996-0 1  166.6  98.8  67.8  166.5  224.9  -58.4  9.4 Source: GLA (2003)

Thursday, May 7, 2020

Calvin’s Success in Geneva Essay - 2223 Words

Calvin’s Success in Geneva In the generation after Luther and Zwingli the dominating figure of the Reformation was John Calvin, the French Protestant theologian who fled religious persecution in his native country and in 1536 settled in the newly independent republic of Geneva. Calvin led in the strict enforcement of reform measures previously instituted by the town council of Geneva and insisted on further reforms, including the congregational singing of the Psalms as part of church worship, the teaching of a catechism and confession of faith to children, the enforcement of a strict moral discipline in the community by the pastors and members of the church, and the excommunication of notorious†¦show more content†¦More than any other reformer, Calvin organized the contemporary diversities of Protestant thought into a clear and logical system. The circulation of his writings, his influence as an educator, and his great ability in organizing church and state in terms of reform created an internation al following and gave the Reformed churches, as Protestantism was called in Switzerland, France, and Scotland, a thoroughly Calvinistic stamp, both in theology and organization. Calvin’s success in Geneva can be viewed in five different sections; the pre-conditions, the external forces at work, Calvin’s character, supporting factors within the Calvinist Church and other factors. All these show that Calvin’s success was due to a number of reasons before and during his time and his leadership skills. The anti-papal feelings in Geneva had been mounting before Calvin had arrived. This means that the people of Geneva were ready for a reformation and Calvin was the one just to lead them, he didn’t convert them into believing they needed a reform. There were already anti-papal feelings in Geneva, when Calvin first visited Geneva he became a distinctive figure as he tried to bring its people into a state of salvation. But he was bitterly opposed by many people; anti-clericals, traditionalists, libertarians, localists and Anabaptists. As Mullett explains â€Å"a formidableShow MoreRelatedHow Important Was the Work of the Consistory to the Success of the Genevan Reformation by 1564?1323 Words   |  6 Pagesof the Consistory to the success of the Reformation in Geneva to 1564? – The consistory was important to the success of reformation in Geneva as Calvin sought to change the Genevan society by working through the Consistory. However, Consistory was not the only factor explaining the success of the Reformation in Geneva to 1564, as there were other key factors such as the works of Ecclesiastical Ordinances, Institutes of Christian Religion, supports from Geneva and Calvin’s own enthusiasm that wereRead MoreThe Life and Work of John Calvin and Galileo Galilei Essay1156 Words   |  5 Pageswas born July 10th, 1509, in Noyon, Picardy. He was raised up in a staunch Roman Catholic family. Early in his life, Calvin’s father was employed by the local bishop as an administrator at the town’s cathedral. With this newly acquired job, John Calvin’s father wanted Calvin to be a priest. Due to the fact that his family had close ties with the bishop and his noble family, Calvin’s classmates in Noyon were aristocratic and culturally in fluential in his childhood. At the age of fourteen, CalvinRead MoreThe Sixteenth Century : An Era Of Extreme Turmoil And Change Within The Catholic Church1587 Words   |  7 Pagesreformer from France who had settled in Geneva. In many ways the ideology of John Calvin was simply a continuation of Luther’s ideas. The ultimate iconoclast, Calvin took away all images, incense and statues from Catholic services and instead focused upon simplicity, even going as far as to remove the tradition of wedding rings. Calvin believed that worship had been, â€Å"perverted by so many impious and foul superstitions† (Rogers 329). As stated earlier, Calvin’s philosophy revolved around simplicity;Read MoreMy Life And Life Of A Missionary1082 Words   |  5 Pageshave not lost my faith. I am Yann Allaman and I was born in 1560 in Geneva. I am the only son of my two beloved parents and ever since I was young I knew that I wanted to be a missionary. I am blessed to have been born into a Calvinist family, so that I could have been raised according to God’s law. Throughout my life I have spread this religion to as many heretics as possible. Because of my devotion I began my preaching in Geneva, then I traveled to Kampan in the revolting Dutch provinces to spreadRead MoreSociety and the Nature of Time1107 Words   |  4 Pagesthis theme I found that the thing all of these articles have in common is that they all spoke on the issue about doing right and having an upright society. These articles include Twelve Tables: Laws and Offenses and Damages, The Salic Law, Policing Calvin’s Church, and James I Defends Absolutism. Through my paper I would like to analyze each of the texts, including historical background (date, place, circumstances surrounding the document’s creation and other significant elements), context, and thenRead MoreReligion And History Of Religion2764 Words   |  12 Pageswent through Geneva. He got caught up in Geneva because there was a lot of a r eligious and political dispute. Calvin was engaged and stuck around for a while. He was in great luck because the Geneva city council was attracted to the idea of reformation. The council then approved the new reformation of the faith. Geneva brought great opportunities to Calvin while he was there. He was a writer, theologian, and preacher and then became a pastor once he became more known to the people in Geneva. Calvin spentRead MoreAnalysis of the Influence of Religious Reformation on the Change of2663 Words   |  11 Pagesrule it, only the Christ in the heaven is the leader, and only he rules. This view fundamentally denied the Popes absolute authority; in addition, Calvin also said: the predetermined we called, refers to the eternal will of God, God decide the success of everyone in the world.† The God before creation, he has chosen us in Christ.† And here Calvin also takes all directly to God, in Gods absolute authority he denies the authority of the pope. 2.2. The Salvation Theory of Sacrament and the AtonementRead MoreRethinking Work Ethic For The Age Of Convergence2191 Words   |  9 Pagesemployment is viewed as a social, economic, and moral obligation. Particularly in the hyper-individualism of the United States, we have perpetuated the myth of the American Dream, the promise that hard work and determination alone fuel the escalator to success. The primacy of work in society is embodied in the inevitable American small-talk clichà © â€Å"What do you do?† and in Benjamin Franklin’s timeworn aphorisms such as â€Å"time is money.† Even children are indoctrinated through the question of what they â€Å"wantRead MoreReligious Groups Of Colonial America Essay2046 Words   |  9 PagesChristianity believed in an afterlife and immortality of the human soul. Native individuals pleased their gods in traditional ways through prayer and sometimes offering valuable items as sacrifice such as food, furs and tobacco. S ometimes, to ensure success on hunts, in the harvest, at war or simply to seek guidance from the creator tribes would call upon the assistance of shamans or priests who were said to have supernatural powers. This would be seen as witchcraft by Europeans and would cause Native

Wednesday, May 6, 2020

Cyberfare Case Study Free Essays

Victoria Schultz MIS 260 B. Hecker Are We Ready For Cyberwarfare? 1. Cyberwarfare refers to politically motivated hacking to conduct sabotage and espionage. We will write a custom essay sample on Cyberfare Case Study or any similar topic only for you Order Now It is a form of information warfare sometimes seen as analogous to conventional warfare, and in 2013 was, for the first time, considered a larger threat than Al Qaeda or terrorism, by many U. S. intelligence officials. 2. U. S. government security expert Richard A. Clarke, in his book Cyber War (May 2010), defines â€Å"cyberwarfare† as â€Å"actions by a nation-state to penetrate another nation’s computers or networks for the purposes of causing damage or disruption. The Economist describes cyberspace as â€Å"the fifth domain of warfare,† and William J. Lynn, U. S. Deputy Secretary of Defense, states that â€Å"as a doctrinal matter, the Pentagon has formally recognized cyberspace as a new domain in warfare . . . [which] has become just as critical to military operations as land, sea, air, and space. † 3. In 2009, President Barack Obama declared America’s digital infrastructure to be a â€Å"strategic national asset,† and in May 2010 the Pentagon set up its new U. S. Cyber Command, headed by General Keith B. Alexander, director of the National Security Agency (NSA), to defend American military networks and attack other countries’ systems. The EU has set up ENISA (European Network and Information Security Agency) which is headed by Prof. Udo Helmbrecht and there are now further plans to significantly expand ENISA’s capabilities. The United Kingdom has also set up a cyber-security and â€Å"operations centre† based in Government Communications Headquarters (GCHQ), the British equivalent of the NSA. In the U. S. owever, Cyber Command is only set up to protect the military, whereas the government and corporate infrastructures are primarily the responsibility respectively of the Department of Homeland Security and private companies. In February 2010, top American lawmakers warned that the â€Å"threat of a crippling attack on telecommunications and computer networks was sharply on the rise. â€Å"According to The Lipman Report, numerous key sectors of the U. S. economy along with that of other nations, are currently at risk, including yber threats to public and private facilities, banking and finance, transportation, manufacturing, medical, education and government, all of which are now dependent on computers for daily operations. In 2009, President Obama stated that â€Å"cyber intruders have probed our electrical grids. † 4. The Economist writes that China has plans of â€Å"winning informationised wars by the mid-21st century†. They note that other countries are likewise organizing for cyberwar, among them Russia, Israel and North Korea. Iran boasts of having the world’s second-largest cyber-army. James Gosler, a government cybersecurity specialist, worries that the U. S. has a severe shortage of computer security specialists, estimating that there are only about 1,000 qualified people in the country today, but needs a force of 20,000 to 30,000 skilled experts. At the July 2010 Black Hat computer security conference, Michael Hayden, former deputy director of national intelligence, challenged thousands of attendees to help devise ways to â€Å"reshape the Internet’s security architecture†, explaining, â€Å"You guys made the cyberworld look like the north German plain. â€Å" How to cite Cyberfare Case Study, Free Case study samples

Sunday, April 26, 2020

The Human Service Movement Social Work Essay Essay Example

The Human Service Movement Social Work Essay Paper After the World War II, there was an of import portion of the legislative which is the National Mental Act of 1946. For more than 50 old ages, since its constitution was authorized by Congress in 1946, the National Institute of Mental Health ( NIMH ) has created, shaped, and implemented the attitudes toward, policies for, and intervention response to the mentally sick in the United States ( Judd, 1998 ) . They had the financess that were available to back up research instructions and instruction to assist the people with mental unwellnesss. In 1955, the Mental Health Study Act was passed. This act called for surveies that focus on major issues in the mental wellness Fieldss. They had promoted research preparation in find in the encephalon and behavioural scientific disciplines, charting mental unwellness flights to find when, where, and how to step in, and develop new and better intercessions thatA incorporateA the diverse demands and fortunes of people with mental unwellnesss ( Nati onal Institute of Mental Health, 2012 ) . This led to the Mental Health Act of 1955 to originate the transition of the Joint Commission on Mental Illness and Health ( Harris, Maloney, A ; Rother, pg. 26 ) . From this act it unfolded to political stairss towards the Community Mental Health Centers of 1963. We will write a custom essay sample on The Human Service Movement Social Work Essay specifically for you for only $16.38 $13.9/page Order now We will write a custom essay sample on The Human Service Movement Social Work Essay specifically for you FOR ONLY $16.38 $13.9/page Hire Writer We will write a custom essay sample on The Human Service Movement Social Work Essay specifically for you FOR ONLY $16.38 $13.9/page Hire Writer In 1963, determination led to the transition of the Community Mental Health Centers. The centre was a topographic point to promote active user engagement in the development of mental wellness policy that has seen an increased focal point on coaction and the development of partnerships between service users and professionals within community mental wellness services ( Elstad A ; Hellzen, 2010 ) . They gain more cognition about people with mental jobs populating in a community. The intent of the statute law was to be able to make out, advocate, and supply services that are organize to be offer to the community centres ( Harris, Maloney, A ; Rother, pg. 26 ) . Community Mental Health Centers Acts were intended for altering the society as a whole and by work outing what societal jobs there were. After the Community Mental Health Centers Act we got into the other legislative Acts of the Apostless that were developed in the field of human service such as the Economic Opportunity Act and the Schneurer Sub-professional Career Act. The Economic Opportunity Act of 1964 was the focal point of the battle against war on poorness in which was an of import portion of statute law that had an impact in the field of human services. The intent for this act was to supply instruction to grownups, supply occupation preparations and loansA to assist little concerns because of the unemployment and poorness rate. The aim was to assist the hapless by enabling them to draw themselves from the clasp of poorness. In 1966, the Schneuer Sub-professional Career Act was put into topographic point to supply the chance for the disadvantage to come in into new occupations in the mental wellness field. Harmonizing to Harris, Maloney and Rother, during these formal preparation pupils learned the accomplishments necessary to work with assortment of clients and other wellness professionals ( pg. 26 ) . This led to the act to open up more doors for people to passage to other Fieldss in mental wellness. The National Organization for Human Service Education ( NOHSE ) and Council for Standards in Human Service Education ( CSHSE ) were to promote best patterns for fixing human service workers. Although these two groups portion common ends, they do function different intents. NOHSE has to guarantee medium is available for coaction and cooperation among pupils, practicians, and their bureaus, and module ( Harris, Maloney, A ; Rother, pg. 31 ) . They had to better the instruction of human service pupils and professionals by cultivating model instruction and research patterns and by course of study development ( Harris, Maloney, A ; Rother, pg. 31 ) . The other two chief intents harmonizing to Harris, Maloney and Rother, was by abetting and supplying aid to other organisations at local, province, and national degrees, and to better human service instruction and bringing through conferences, institutes, publications and symposia ( pg. 31 ) . This organisation was developed to function the demands of the module. The Council for Standards in Human Service Education in 1979 via from the National Institute for Mental Health grants ( Harris, Maloney, A ; Rother, pg. 31 ) . They are deliberately general to strike a balance between clearly stated rules and adequate flexibleness to avoid restraining natural diverseness among plans for pupils ( CSHSE, 2012 ) . Under the CSHSE there are the five maps ( Harris, Maloney, A ; Rother, pg. 32 ) : Standard for developing plans at the associate s and baccalaureate grade degrees. Review and acknowledge plans that meet criterions. Sponsoring module development workshops in course of study design, plan policymaking, resource development, plan rating, and other countries. Offering critical and informational aid to plans seeking to better the quality and relevancy of their preparation. Printing a quarterly bulletin to maintain plans informed of Council activities, developing information and resources, and issues and tendencies in human service instruction. In the field of human services, these statute laws will go on to better from its historical traditions through the cognition, accomplishments and values we gain from it. The attempts of these Acts of the Apostless in the human service field will merely supply quality educational plans that will germinate as a direct consequence of the plan blessing progresses. We need human service professionals who will be able to give people that sort of aid that are needed to acquire by. Laws that will assist protect the people with mental unwellnesss.

Thursday, March 19, 2020

Competitive Advantage Strategies Essays

Competitive Advantage Strategies Essays Competitive Advantage Strategies Essay Competitive Advantage Strategies Essay Differentiation relates to uniqueness of product characteristics, which identify consumers hard-to-articulate or latent needs and wants. Mandom strives to differentiate itself from competitors in such a way that when consumers use Gatsby products, they experience a sense of novelty and comfort that has been never found on other brands. To this end, scientists in RD department constantly research into consumers felt senses of novelty and comfort by looking at product functionality, effectiveness, usability, stability and safety, together with utilization of latest technologies and ingredients. The company puts RD as primary investment object. At present, it has buildings used specifically for RD purpose. The department also carries out research management to secure intellectual property by registration of proprietary patents. This maintains Mandoms technological dominance and helps it to excel in competition. As a result of extensive RD effort, Mandom has developed a board product line and unique features for consumers. For the brand Gatsby, the company has categories like hair styling, hair coloring, hair care. Under hair styling, it also has hair mist, hair wax, hair clay, hair foam, hair gel and so on. Even under hair wax, it has three different series. The hair wax has many unique features, such as ability to restyle many times, Smooth Polymer that produces less sticky and light finish and different shining or styling powers of hair wax for consumers to choose accordingly. Mandom maximizes lifestyle value through high-quality products at reasonable prices for the greatest number of consumers worldwide. It has developed mass production process to cut cost. At production sites, workers and technicians work together to continuously improve and standardize the technological capabilities to achieve maximal production efficiency. Besides, It built three out of its four plants in Indonesia and China for a purpose of lowering labor cost. Also, Mandom takes design and quality control initiatives to ensure that each product that consumer has bought in is exactly of the same quality as the one produced at research phase. The company wants to balance product prices to increase consumers perception of value and meanwhile, ensures quality and offers high-value products to delight consumers. For example, Mandom designs refill packs for many product kinds of Gatsby. Therefore, customers save money if they wish to continue using the original product and will appreciate the value of Gatsby products. For Mandom, prompt response to market is the key to business success. Since Mandoms core products life cycle is short, the success or failure of new products is a major factor underlying the success. Thus, it pursues the product development driven by a cyclic process of research, design, and verification to continuously give concrete form to meet consumer wants and needs. In addition, the company regularly holds cross-functional meeting to discuss consumer latent wants and generate new product ideas. It can always carry out brand renewal at the end of product life cycle. In product development, it responds to customer wants or needs wherever they exist. Even if this involves a product category where Mandom has no previous development experience, it will rise to the challenge to research, develop and sell a product to add diversity to the range of categories. Mandom has developed an efficient supply network in which it balances the consumer preferences and supply in each country by leveraging the distinctive characteristics and production mix of its 3 production sites. Then, the companys subsidiary in each region receives a supply of products from the nearest production site and distributes to outlets such as cosmetic shop, supermarket, pharmacy in shortest time. The supply network is supported by in-store promotions to enhance the visibility of Mandom products so that consumers will notice the latest Mandom offerings immediately.

Monday, March 2, 2020

Chebyshevs Inequality in Probability

Chebyshev's Inequality in Probability Chebyshev’s inequality says that at least 1-1/K2 of data from a sample must fall within K standard deviations from the mean (here K is any positive real number greater than one). Any data set that is normally distributed, or in the shape of a bell curve, has several features. One of them deals with the spread of the data relative to the number of standard deviations from the mean. In a normal distribution, we know that 68% of the data is one standard deviation from the mean, 95% is two standard deviations from the mean, and approximately 99% is within three standard deviations from the mean. But if the data set is not distributed in the shape of a bell curve, then a different amount could be within one standard deviation. Chebyshev’s inequality provides a way to know what fraction of data falls within K standard deviations from the mean for any data set. Facts About the Inequality We can also state the inequality above by replacing the phrase â€Å"data from a sample† with probability distribution. This is because Chebyshev’s inequality is a result from probability, which can then be applied to statistics. It is important to note that this inequality is a result that has been proven mathematically. It is not like the empirical relationship between the mean and mode, or the rule of thumb that connects the range and standard deviation. Illustration of the Inequality To illustrate the inequality, we will look at it for a few values of K: For K 2 we have 1 – 1/K2 1 - 1/4 3/4 75%. So Chebyshev’s inequality says that at least 75% of the data values of any distribution must be within two standard deviations of the mean.For K 3 we have 1 – 1/K2 1 - 1/9 8/9 89%. So Chebyshev’s inequality says that at least 89% of the data values of any distribution must be within three standard deviations of the mean.For K 4 we have 1 – 1/K2 1 - 1/16 15/16 93.75%. So Chebyshev’s inequality says that at least 93.75% of the data values of any distribution must be within two standard deviations of the mean. Example Suppose we have sampled the weights of dogs in the local animal shelter and found that our sample has a mean of 20 pounds with a standard deviation of 3 pounds. With the use of Chebyshev’s inequality, we know that at least 75% of the dogs that we sampled have weights that are two standard deviations from the mean. Two times the standard deviation gives us 2 x 3 6. Subtract and add this from the mean of 20. This tells us that 75% of the dogs have weight from 14 pounds to 26 pounds. Use of the Inequality If we know more about the distribution that we’re working with, then we can usually guarantee that more data is a certain number of standard deviations away from the mean. For example, if we know that we have a normal distribution, then 95% of the data is two standard deviations from the mean. Chebyshev’s inequality says that in this situation we know that at least 75% of the data is two standard deviations from the mean. As we can see in this case, it could be much more than this 75%. The value of the inequality is that it gives us a â€Å"worse case† scenario in which the only things we know about our sample data (or probability distribution) is the mean and standard deviation. When we know nothing else about our data, Chebyshev’s inequality provides some additional insight into how spread out the data set is. History of the Inequality The inequality is named after the Russian mathematician Pafnuty Chebyshev, who first stated the inequality without proof in 1874. Ten years later the inequality was proved by Markov in his Ph.D. dissertation. Due to variances in how to represent the Russian alphabet in English, it is Chebyshev also spelled as Tchebysheff.

Saturday, February 15, 2020

Concert Report Assignment Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1500 words - 2

Concert Report - Assignment Example The other being a concert of eccentric performances in a place by the name of Jamming & Apos,: Java in Vienna. Both of the genres of music were new to me but I had an open mind to the experiences. To deeply understand and enjoy music, we must learn to appreciate other genres as well, since music is intertwined. For this music report, I would like to particularly focus on the musical pieces that intrigued me, and the overall experience (Medearis 134). The classical concert involved a sophisticated performance from a number of instruments, which represented different types of music. The atmosphere of the concert was very intense, probably since the concert was housed in a performance hall that could be approximately to the size of a living room, with the capacity to house a maximum seating of approximately 80 people. The chamber performances had two separate parts, having an intermission of approximately 15 minutes apart. There was a group of artists who sat in a uniform manner by the size of the instruments. This group was known as the Washington Symphony. In addition to this, there was an orchestra that was mainly formed by a group of older individuals, wearing black outfits. The beginning of the concert was colorful and rich as two pieces, by the violin and the cello were featured. The two pieces presented an aspect of magnificent darkness since the steady tempo and continuo bass was maintained in the whole piece. The cello, which was more pronounced, gave most of the melodies. At the time the harmonies seemed very piercing to my ear. For an individual with limited knowledge in musical melodies and harmonies, the unusual combination would have been difficult to digest. I personally interpreted the melodies to be carriers of emotion, which was intercepted with sudden burst of anger from the bass which made the piece exciting. There was also a piece that sounded like a love song, it was slow and smooth. I found